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SPEECH 


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MR. ATKINSON, OF VIRGINIA, 


ON THE 


OREGON QUESTION. 


DELIVERED 


IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES* 


FEBRUARY 7, L84 6. 


WASHINGTON: 

PRINTED AT THE UNION OFFICE. 

1 84 6. 





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SPEECH. 


On the resolution of notice to Great Britain to abrogate the convention of joint 

occupancy relative to the Oregon territory . 


Mr. ATKINSON obtained the floor, and ad¬ 
dressed the committee as follows: 

Mr. Chairman: “Be just and fear not,” shall ever 
be my motto. It should be the motto of every 
man and of every legislator; and I wish it was in¬ 
scribed upon these walls in letters of gold, that it 
might stand conspicuously before us, admonishing 
us of its precepts in all our deliberations. In the 
discussion of the question now under consideration, 
I will use my best endeavors to make an appli¬ 
cation of its principles by doing justice to England 
as well as to my own beloved country. The princi¬ 
ples of truth and justice should govern and direct 
us in all controversies, whether of a national or in¬ 
dividual character; and by this standard would I in¬ 
voke every gentleman to examine this momentous 
subject, which now engrosses the thoughts and agi¬ 
tates the feelings of the American people. Let us 
endeavor to divest ourselves of those strong emo¬ 
tions sq naturally arising from the discussion of all 
questions affecting national character or national 
rights, whether they may spring on the one hand 
I from the ennobling sentiments of love of country and 
of glory, or from the debasing emotions of fear on 
i the other. And when we see how numerous and 
powerful are the causes which are thus calculated 
j to produce an undue bias of the judgment, and how 
often the wisest and best of men arc found on the 
wrong side of questions of the first magnitude, such 
an exhortation will not be regarded as idle orvision- 
i ary here. It may remind us of the useful lessons of 
j charity and forbearance to one another, and teach 
| us that, however confident we may feel of the truth 
! of our own views and convictions, we cannot be sure 
j that those who entertain different opinions, may not 
i be actuated by as pure motives, and as correct prin¬ 
ciples as we ourselves. And whilst the observance 
of this duty marks a liberal mind, an opposite course 
clearly defines a low and contracted spirit; and 
when I see a man condemning all others who hap¬ 
pen to differ from him in religion or politics, and 
denouncing them as fools or knaves, I cannot but 
regard him as affording a strong proof of his own de¬ 
ficiency in good sense and benevolence of heart. I 
shall therefore make no criminations against others, 
nor esteem them as lees intelligent or patriotic for 
differing from me upon this important subject. 


But, sir, I ask all, whigs and democrats, to march 
up to the examination and decision of this question,, 
with a fixed determination to do that which their 
own judgments may dictate as just and proper. I 
have lived too long, and seen too much of the frail¬ 
ty of human nature, to condemn a fellow man because 
he may not think as 1 do. And in reference to the 
whig party, while I entertain no sort of respect or 
admiration forits principles, yetfor its members gen¬ 
erally I feel a high respect, and for some a warm 
personal regard. There are many gentlemen here 
belonging to that party—to which God forbid that I 
shall ever be attached—with whom I am in habits 
of the most friendly associations; some of whom, 
too, have done me the justice to say I am so dyed 
in the wool of democracy, that v/hen they sec me 
giving a political vote they know that their true 
course is to move in the opposite direction. 

In the conclusions to which I have arrived from 
the best reflection which I have been able to bestow 
upon the subject, I have the misfortune to differ 
from all my colleagues who have yet spoken; a cir¬ 
cumstance which makes me distrustful of my own 
opinion, and would cause me to hesitate and doubt, 
if the convictions of my own mind were not clear 
and irresistible. I must therefore separate from them 
upon this question; but l part from them in peace 
and good will. Far be it from me to esteem them 
less highly, or to seek to represent them, here or else¬ 
where, as less wise and patriotic, or as less friendly 
to the peace, the happiness, and the glory of their 
country than I am. I know that they look to 
nothing other than the best interests of the country 
in the counsels they have given. But I trust, sir, 
that I may yet have the satisfaction to see them 
recording their votes with mine. The pacific char¬ 
acter of the recent English news, the fact elicited 
the other day from the chairman of the Committee 
on Foreign Affairs, by an inquiry from an honorar 
ble member from Tennessee, [Mr. Gentry,] that a 
correspondence had lately taken place between the 
two governments, and various other considerations, 
(not the least of which are the arguments that have 
been made upon this floor) ought, in my judgment, 
to convince my colleagues that they should, at 
least in some form, vote for the notice to ter¬ 
minate the joint occupancy of the Oregon territory. 






4 


' 


51 myself greatly prefer the amendment introduced 
by my honorable colleague, [Mr. Dromgoole,] be¬ 
cause I regard it as the most conciliatory proposi¬ 
tion, and at the same time marked with a proper 
spirit of firmness and of justice. I will take this, 
sir, if I can get it; but I will go for any proposition 
that promises to carry out the wise and statesman¬ 
like policy which characterizes the recommenda¬ 
tions of the Executive. I believe that my constitu¬ 
ents—especially those of the democratic party— 
have admired the President’s message, and have en¬ 
dorsed its principles; and their will shall govern me 
as their representative on this and all other occa¬ 
sions. 

I am free to confess, sir, that the argument of one 
of my colleagues, [Mr. Hunter,] made at an early 
stage of this discussion was so plausible, and was 
presented in so forcible and imposing a manner, 
with a fervor of eloquence so well calculated to cap¬ 
tivate and mislead, produced a deep impression not 
only upon my own mind, but upon the minds of 
other gentlemen in this House; and it was not until 
I had time for composure and calm reflection, that 1 
was enabled to free myself from the oratorical and 
persuasive powers of that gentleman, and to resume 
a fair and candid consideration of this subject. 

In the remarks which I have to submit, I will not 
go back to the discovery of the Oregon territory, 
nor further back than is necessary to indicate the 
course which it is our duty to take in reference to 
giving the notice. It would be a waste of the time 
of the committee to enter into an argument, at this 
stage of the discussion, to prove that which has been 
already most conclusively proved by fifty others be¬ 
fore me, that our title to 54° 40' is such as cannot 
fail to satisfy the American nation that it is full and 
complete. I am perfectly content upon this point to 
rest our claim on the arguments of that able diplo¬ 
matist, Mr. Buchanan, of the President of the Uni¬ 
ted States, and of Mr. Calhoun, the distinguished 
champion of the Palmetto State. Beyond their ex¬ 
positions I do not wish to go. Our right and 
title to the possession of the territory have been 
placed before us in a light as strong and clear 
as the glowing sun-beam. Even the very nation 
which now seeks to divide it with us—Great Britain 
herself—has, by her own act, acknowledged our 
title. And to sustain this position, I have only to 
refer to historical facts, especially the treat]/ of 
Ghent, by the first article of which it is stipulated 
that both nations shall surrender all places taken by 
either during the v/ar to the respective parties, with 
an exception which does not affect the issue now be¬ 
fore us, and to the surrender of this very territory 
by.the authorized agents of Great Britain, to the 
authorities of the United States, in conformity to the 
terms of the treaty. This fact alone would seem to 
be conclusive of the question, had we no others to 
sustain us, and is calculated to make the impres¬ 
sion upon every unprejudiced, impartial mind, that 
the joint occupancy since the date of the treaty, 
which must have been granted as a favor, now con¬ 
stitutes the only ground upon which the English 
government can base a pretension of claim. And 
yet there are these who contend that this stipula¬ 
tion for joint occupancy was entered into from a 
fear of war, and to secure the continuance of peace 
between the two nations. I am old. enough, sir, to 
remember what public sentiment was at that day, 
and I well know that no such apprehensions or 
opinions were entertained on the part of the Amer¬ 
ican people. The stipulations of the convention it¬ 


self clearly show this; for, according to an express 
provision, the termination of the joint occupancy 
was made dependent upon the pleasure of either 
party, by giving to the other twelve months’ notice 
of such a desire. 

How then can gentlemen contend that war must 
follow from the giving of notice? Suppose Great 
Britain were to give us the notice, would any gen¬ 
tleman be 80 bold as to say that we would or ought 
to declare war against her on that account? Most 
surely not. But we are told that Great Britain is a 
great and magnanimous nation. How, then, can 
we expect that war will be declared by her, because 
we do that which we haveja right to do, and which 
the principles of truth and justice sustain us 
in doing—our right to assert a claim which is strip¬ 
ped of all doubt and uncertainty, and which she her¬ 
self has acknowledged by her own act ? But it may 
be, sir, that her advocates—for she has advocates on 
this side of the water—have applied these high- 
sounding epithets under a suspicion that her charac¬ 
ter for territorial aggrandizement, and for a disposi¬ 
tion to lay hold upon any region which she can 
raise the slightest pretension to, stand out in much 
bolder relief than that for magnanimity. And shall 
we be pusillanimous enough to hesitate in our 
course, because it may, forsooth, wound the pride, 
or obstruct the wishes of this great and magnani¬ 
mous nation ? 

In the same spirit it is contended by some, that it 
is not the giving of notice merely, whicln-is likely to 
produce a declaration of war, but the consequent acts 
on our part which must immediately follow. They 
say that after the expiration of the twelve months’ 
notice, we shall be compelled, in order to maintain 
our national honor, to proceed to take possession of 
the country; and that such an attempt would neces¬ 
sarily lead to war. The answer to this is 
ready and easy. 1 grant the consequence pre¬ 
dicted if England do not recede, and if she do 
not withdraw her subjects—if she attempts to 
exercise an adverse claim. And I ask, sir, it Eng¬ 
land, or any other power, bemad enough, or daring 
enough, or wicked enough to invade any portion of 
our territories, or to lay violent hands upon it, there¬ 
by attempting to wrest it from us or to divide with 
us our “clear and unquestionable” rights, what 
American can be found so much a dastard as to be 
willing to give it up rather than fight for it? Who 
among the whole nation would not, under such cir¬ 
cumstances, cry aloud for war—ay, sir, war to the 
knife? 

But, sir, it is also said by others that if we pro¬ 
ceed at this time to give the notice, it will only place 
ua in the position we occupied at the date of the 
convention; and that as things have remained in 
quietness up to this period, why not let them go on 
until we actually need the territory for agricultural 
and commercial purposes? To this suggestion my 
answer is three-fold. In the first place, we have 
already seen that the favor extended to Great Brit¬ 
ain of occupying the territory, in common with our 
own people, for the purpose of carrying on a fur and 
fishing trade, has been construed by her, or is used 
by her, as constituting a claim—a right to a portion, 
and a very large portion, too, of this territory—a 
claim so strong, in the opinion of some gentlemen, 
as to justify her before the civilized world, in making 
war upon us with the view of maintaining it. The 
longer, therefore, the joint occupancy continues— 
if, indeed, it can be called an occupancy at all—the 
stronger will the claim upon this ground become; 





5 


and hence the necessity of terminating the joint 
occupancy with as little delay as practicable under 
the provisions of the treaty. In the second place, 
our people do now, with remarkable unanimity, de¬ 
clare that they want the territory—that they want 
the free and full possession of the whole territory— 
and that they are not willing any longer to allow to 
John Bull—rich, proud, and powerful as he may 
be—an equal possession and enjoyment of its ad¬ 
vantages with themselves. And they do further 
declare that if the said John Bull, for this assertion 
of their rights, and for this notice to him to quit, 
chooses to proceed to blows, they will let him have 
a game at such pastime to hi3 heart’s content. 
Lastly, the argument that because we have enjoyed 
peace and quietness for more than thirty years un¬ 
der existing circumstances we should permit the 
joint occupancy to continue, would be just as 
good a thousand years hence as now; and would 
apply with as much force and propriety to any 
other portion of our territory, @r to any one of the 
States of this Union, as it does apply to the 
question before us. It is very certain, sir, that we 
can always enjoy peace by never asserting our 
rights, or by quietly permitting other nations to 
take from us whatever they may want. The only 
questions for us to consider are: Is the territory 
ours? Dowewantit? If the answers be in the 
affirmative, then let us have it, war or no war. We 
only lose by delay. 

But, sir, war is neither a certain nor a probable 
consequence from giving the notice; and if such a 
calamity can by any means be brought about, noth¬ 
ing is better calculated to produce it than the indis¬ 
creet course of a certain class of persons, who, both 
in this House and in other quarters, have made it 
their business to eulogize and magnify the power 
and resources of our adversary, whilst at the same 
time they have taken great pains to depreciate and 
ridicule those of our own country. 1 cannot under¬ 
stand the principles or the motives which have in¬ 
duced such a line of conduct. Charity, however, 
inclines me to hope that such individuals, influ¬ 
enced by a misguided experience or the workings 
of a diseased imagination, have so pictured to them¬ 
selves the horrors and calamities of war, that they 
would sooner give away an absolute right—the ter¬ 
ritory in dispute—than hazard what they may 
i regard as an unparalleled state of prosperity in 
the land by the uncertain issues of a collision with 
so powerful a nation as England. But all past ex¬ 
perience will prove that a spirit of timidity and con¬ 
cession, or the .-ugh test manifestation of a disposi¬ 
tion to yield the smallest amount of national right, 
is by no means the way to repel or to satisfy foreign 
demands; but that it is, on the contrary, the surest 
mode of provoking aggression or inviting the exac¬ 
tions of a grasping and powerful nation. The most 
effectual means of avoiding danger is to meet it 
fully in the face—to insist upon your smallest 
rights—to demand the last farthing—and to show a 
determination to defend or secure it at whatever cost 
or consequence; in a word, sir, to adopt and act ful¬ 
ly upon the motto of our illustrious and venerated 
Jackson, “ask nothing but what is right, and sub¬ 
mit to nothing that is wrong.” 

Sir, I am far from being one of those who look 
with indifference upon the consequences of war. Its 
evils are always great, and ofttimes incalculable. I 
am aware that a war between the United States and 
England would at this time be attended with vast 
mischief, not only to the powers immediately en¬ 


gaged in it, but to every portion of the civilized 
world. Commerce—that great refiner of national 
manners—that great link which connects nations 
together, mollifying their asperities and breaking 
down their prejudices, and which is now, by the 
operation of modern improvements, bringing the 
most distant into close contact and communion with 
each other, would be gteatly disturbed in its course 
and thrown into unwonted channels. The advance¬ 
ments which literature, science, and the arts, are 
daily making towards the extension of knowledge, 
and the amelioration of man’s condition, would be 
partially checked. The progress which the spirit of 
our republican institutions is making with such 
rapid steps towards the pulling down of potentates 
and of powers in high places, would most unhappi¬ 
ly be retarded; and even in our own country, some 
of those achievements which have been recently 
made, and others nowin progress of being consum¬ 
mated, in the great field of political science, by 
which a more natural and liberal system of meas¬ 
ures would be consequences resulting from success¬ 
ful experiment, would be in a great measure neutral¬ 
ized or thwarted for a season. But, sir, great as 
all these evils may be, they are by no means the 
greatest that a nation may endure. Indeed, it is ne¬ 
cessary, in order to secure permanently the bless¬ 
ings of peace and to enjoy them in all their fulness, 
that we should sometimes incur the hazards, the dan¬ 
gers, and the evils of war. No nation can be hap¬ 
py or prosperous under a dishonorable peace; and 
if our title to the Oregon territory be “clear and un¬ 
questionable,” as I believe it to be, and as this na¬ 
tion believes it to be, what could be more dishonorable 
than tamely to yield it? I would assert and main¬ 
tain this right were the dangers and evils of war 
a thousand times greater than they possibly can be; 
and I have studied the character of the American 
people to but little purpose if they can be deterred 
from a similar course by mere prudential considera¬ 
tions, drawn either from a real or an exaggerated 
description of the character and resources of our ad¬ 
versary. Such advocates of peace may thus witless- 
ly become the most effective promoters of war. 

It is the part of wisdom to guage and measure 
well the strength and dimensions of an opponent ; 
but it is folly to despise his weakness or to dread his 
prowess. It is proper, therefore, that we duly ex¬ 
amine the great power of Great Britain, and ascer¬ 
tain with all practicable certainty the full extent of 
her armament and her means of aggression. It is 
only by such a course that we can properly prepare 
for her assault and defend ourselves against her on¬ 
set; and if we shall exercise but common prudence, 
we have no need to fear the consequences. Let the 
means which we have already at command be only 
placed in a proper condition for use—let the ships 
now lying in onr docks be forthwith fully equipped 

_let our navy-yards and fortifications be put in 

thorough repair and fully manned—and the sons of 
those brave officers and men who gathered such 
wreaths of glory by their triumphs over the same 
antagonist during the last war, will come forth with 
a noble zeal to emulate their deeds, and to rival their 
fame in an encounter with that or any other foe. I, 
for one, entertain no apprehension for the result; 
and, after the signal successes that have hitherto at¬ 
tended our arms, whether by sea or by land, in eve¬ 
ry trial to which they have been subjected, I can¬ 
not but anticipate the most brilliant results. And 
when we reflect, that, in all the elements of an 
offensive and defensive war, we are so much. 







8 


Jimmy Polk,” while he was riding with his saddle¬ 
bags from court-house to court-house, without a sin¬ 
gle thought or aspiration for the presidency, was cho¬ 
sen to advocate the cause of annexation. The sub¬ 
ject was fully and thoroughly discussed by these 
leaders of the respective parties; the issue was tried 
by a jury of twenty thousand freemen, and the ver¬ 
dict returned in favor of James K. Polk. And, sir, 
for the ability which he displayed during that con¬ 
test—for the wisdom which he has shown on every 
important occasion—and for his firm, unyielding 
steadfastness to the republican faith and to republi¬ 
can measures, he has been rewarded with the occu¬ 
pancy of the executive mansion, and the honor of 
presiding as the head of this nation for a term of 
four years; whilst the great Kentuckian has been 
consigned to the shades of Ashland, where, I trust, 
he will remain in peace and happiness. 

In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, I will repeat that 
we owe it as a duty to those who have gone to settle 
in Oregon, to give this notice for terminating the 
joint occupancy. We owe it to them as a portion 
of the American people. These men are not mere 
gamblers and speculators, but real bona fide settlers, 
who have determined to make that country their 
home, to subject its soil to the arts of cultivation, and 
to make their living by the sweat of their brows. We 
should proceed to give the notice without delay. 
The longer continuance of the masterly inactivity 
principle cannot at this time be viewed a3 a wise or 
salutary measure. Its morality is questionable; for 
it seeks to do that by covert and indirect means, 
which it becomes us to do with energy and prompt¬ 
ness—by a masterly activity. I regard the notice 
recommended by the President as the proper prelim¬ 
inary means of settling this controversy between the 
two nations in a peaceful and equitable manner. 
Let us support him in his recommendation; let 


us adopt the views which he has present¬ 
ed; let us endeavor to imbibe his spirit; 
and 1 venture to predict, sir. that the danger 
of war will not only be averted, but the whole mat¬ 
ter be brought to a speedy and happy termination. 
Sir, I advocate this course as a friend to peace. I 
would support no measure which is calculated un¬ 
necessarily to produce a war between the United 
States and Great Britain; peace, honorable peace is 
what all most surely must desire. It is not the in¬ 
terest of either nation that the friendly relations 
which have so long subsisted between them should 
now be disturbed or broken up. Their mutual de¬ 
pendence makes it the interest of both to cherish 
and cultivate a state of peace and good will; and I 
sincerely hope that the action of Congress may be 
such as to secure the continuance of friendly rela¬ 
tions between the two nations. But, sir, if by the 
maintenance of our just rights or the notice to close 
the joint occupancy, war shall be the consequence, 
then we can only say, let it come; and as brave men 
we must prepare to meet it, with all its woes and 
evils, with the spirit of those who are determined to 
“do or die.” We shall be engaged in a just and 
righteous cause; in the defence of our rights and of 
our own territory; and whether that territory be 
rich or fertile, abounding in all the elements of 
wealth and prosperity, or be only the barren wil¬ 
derness which some have attempted to make us be¬ 
lieve, will be questions of like import with the 
American people. They feel that it is their prop¬ 
erty, that it is the home of their brethern and friends, 
and that it is their duty to defend it. Acting upon 
his principle they will go forth to meet the issue 
with a calm consciousness of the rectitude of their 
course, and with an humble yet firm reliance upon 
the God of battles. 

















































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